This is from an email I wrote to a friend about some photos depicting clearly ultra-orthodox Jews happily meeting with Mahmoud Ahmadenijad, the President of Iran.
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Photos like these are actually pretty well known. Most ultra-Orthodox or Haredi (whether Hasidic, followers of the Lithuanian Yeshivah tradition, or Sephardic) have always opposed Zionism and the secular Jewish state, but they do not support harm coming to Jews. Many of these have by now compromised (such as Agudat Israel and Shas and Hasidic groups such as Lubavitch), working with the Israeli state even though they oppose it in principle. Among the Haredi, however, there is a particularly fanatic, right-wing group who goes beyond their opposition to the state of Israel by advocating for Israel’s destruction and who support violence against Israelis and against Jews who actively support the state of Israel. They actually virulently oppose other Haredi who work with the Israeli state, back Ahmadenijad, give credence to Ahmadenijad’s holocaust denial (in part because they believe that many of the Jews murdered in the holocaust were not “real” Jews), and embrace Ahmadenijad’s threats of violence against Israel. The group is called Neturei Karta (“Guardians of the City”), whose members live in various places around the world, most notably in Meah Shearim in Jerusalem. Ahmadenijad has been photographed with them before. See the following links:
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/01/15/nyregion/15rabbi.html?fta=y
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Neturei_Karta
Neturei Karta is radically isolated and cultish, the most extreme of the extreme. In short, they’re crazy.
P.S. There is an Israeli film called “Kadosh,” which gives a glimpse at the lives of ultra-Orthodox groups like Neturei Karta in Meah Shearim.
The movement to boycott and divest from Israel wants a one-state solution, while also opposing cooperation and negotiations between Palestinians and Israelis.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tnpilMYsR0I
http://www.forbes.com/2010/07/14/world-happiest-countries-lifestyle-realestate-gallup-table.html
Very interesting. Quick observations: 1) The top countries are almost all wealthy; 2) Scandinavians seem really happy (in spite of the Girl with the Dragon Tattoo); 3) Costa Rica is not wealthy, but stands at no. 6, probably because of its emphasis on quality of life and tight social networks; 4) In spite of the stresses of violence and war, Israel comes in high at no. 8; 5) in spite of its wealth, the US is only at no. 14; 6) Bulgaria is the unhappiest European country; 7) France, Germany, Italy, and Spain are not high up, and the United Kingdom and Ireland are not so great. 7) Brazil and Panama are relatively highly placed; 8) Africa is very unhappy; 9) the happiest Asian countries are in the Middle East or Central Asia, not in South Asia or the Far East; 10) How is Turkmenistan almost as happy as the US.
If ever the Palestinians and Israelis get it together, this will become the big issue in Israel: progressive and secular Jews vs. the Ultra-Orthodox. Israel is only 20% Orthodox, and many of them are not Ultra-Orthodox. E.g. Shimon Peres is Orthodox, and he’s no fan of the ultra-religious and their parties. About 15 years ago, everyone predicted that the Ultra-Orthodx would grow substantially in numbers, but that has not happened, as many children of Ultra-Orthodox families are influenced by the broader global culture (as many of the youth are in Iran) and do not stay within the fold. The Palestinian conflict helps the Ultra-Orthodox, since it divides everybody else. In the long run, I don’t think that the Ultra-Orthodox can win, because the numbers are not on their side and because this is not the direction of human culture. Time is on our side.
Israel clearly has the right to defend itself by maintaining the blockade against a country whose government is committed to annihilating it, and Israeli soldiers were confronted with a violent response on at least one of the ships.
I still find this situation demoralizing and depressing. How come Israel was not better prepared to handle the flotilla? Israel is supposed to have the best military and the most sophisticated counter-insurgency techniques. It sure did not look like that here. When the commandos descended on to the Turkish ship, they looked like sitting ducks for a an angry mob. How could the Israeli military have so badly misjudged this situation, putting their own soldiers at risk and giving the anti-Israel crowd an enormous PR victory? The flotilla organizers were not about giving aid to Gaza. They want to break the Israeli blockade and move public opinion against Israel. They may not have broken the Gaza blockade (yet), but they succeeded in turning world opinion against Israel, its supporters, and the global Jewish community once again. Israel looks like a bull in a china closet and is finding itself increasingly isolated. From a PR point of view, the flotilla was a great victory for those who want to destroy Israel.
No matter what the legitimate justifications for Israel’s actions, they don’t matter in the end. What matters is public perception as filtered through the media and the internet. Pro-Palestinian activists understand this. The Israelis and their supporters seem clueless. While Israel takes a reactive posture, focusing on tactics in individual incidents (and the tactics were a failure here, a screw-up by the military), the pro-Palestinian activists take a longer, strategic view of turning the world against Israel (and Jews).
When will Israel and its supporters learn to use the media and the internet to their advantage? When will Israel act pro-actively and cultivate a strategy that looks at their long-term interests? If events keep piling up in this form, Israel will find itself in an untenable position. For its sake and our sake, I hope somebody gets the message.
I wrote the following to a friend when he sent me an article by Noam Chomsky from Salon: http://www.salon.com/news/opinion/feature/2010/04/27/chomsky_middle_east/index.html?source=newsletter
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Chomsky claims he is a Zionist, but does not really support the idea of a Jewish state or of a two-solution (even though he implies that he does here and elsewhere–he’s not serious and calls it temporary). He does not take seriously into account Arab anti-semitism and Arab views of Jews over the decades or, even more important, the Arab commitment to annihilating Israel. He neglects to mention that Israel came to occupy the West Bank in 1967, because every surrounding country was on the verge of a massive attack against Israel motivated by the desire to drive “Israel into the sea.” What was Israel supposed to do? Allow themselves to be slaughtered to feed the egos of those who do not believe that Jews have a right to defend themselves? The goal of annihilating Israel and Jews still remains for many, obviously for Hamas, but even in the PLO and in many Arab societies, as well as the Iranian government.
How do you have a peace agreement when the majority of the peoples around you wish to destroy your country and slaughter or deport your citizens? How do you have a peace agreement with a government which does not demonstrate a commitment to a democratic, non-corrupt, free society? How do you have a peace agreement with a government that does not demonstrate even the most rudimentary capacity to run an orderly society?
Chomsky also claims in many of his interviews and writing that antisemitism no longer exists in any meaningful form. That’s nice for him. I don’t know what reality he lives in, but it’s not one I’m familiar with. Perhaps he should take a look at what it’s like to be Jewish in France or Britain or Venezuela. Or he might take a look at FBI religious hate crime stats in the US, which show that in 2007 69.2% of religious hate crimes are against Jews while 8.7% are of an anti-Islamic bias (http://www.fbi.gov/ucr/hc2007/victims.htm). Chomsky is a well-to-do, successful, academic in a highly privileged institution who has no clue what it’s currently like to be Jewish in other settings, including the Middle East.
The real reason that Chomsky opposes Israel is that he is at heart an anarchist and does not really believe that states should exist in the first place–certainly not a Jewish state. That’s nice for those who live in La La land. I am certainly no backer of nation states and believe that they are on their way out as governing entities. But I’m not so silly as to believe that we don’t need government and authority of some kind.
It’s sad that Salon would feature someone like Chomsky who is not taken seriously in the Jewish community, even on the left. There are many others who could critique Israeli policies and offer a progressive vision of the Middle East. Featuring Chomsky, an anarchist, does not encourage discussion or debate. It shuts it down.
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By the way, I’m not joking when I call Chomsky an anarchist. He really is a self-proclaimed anarchist. He has written extensively on the topic, including a book. My best guess (and it’s only a guess) is that a lot of his strong opposition to Israel stems from his own Jewish identity and his anarchism. As a Jew, he is especially opposed to Zionism and Jewish statehood, because the very concept of statehood is anathema to him.
But, in the real world today, with the way people live and act, the possibility of anarchism is a fantasy. It bears a lot of resemblance to radical libertarianism, which comes from the opposite end of the ideological spectrum.
I recommend the film, “Green Zone.” It has flown under the radar for some reason, but Matt Damon does an excellent job, as does the rest of the cast. With the same pacing as the Bourne films (also directed by Paul Greengrass), Green Zone is sometimes hard to follow, but it is always exciting and interesting. It takes the point of view (probably now a consensus) that Iraq had ended the WMD (Weapons of Mass Destruction program) in 1991 and that the US knew that, but went into Iraq for other reasons. The main character, Warrant Officer Roy Miller (US Special Forces), commands a squad given the task of locating the WMD’s, but he soon realizes that there are no WMD’s. Much of the plot centers on whether the US should incorporate the Baath (Sadaam Hussein’s party) political and military leaders into the governance of the country.
The film represents a number of different points of view. Baath Sunni General Al Rawi (Yigal Naor) seeks to make a deal with the US; Freddy (Khalid Abdallah), who knows the lay of the land and serves as Miller’s translator, is a Shia Iraq-Iran war veteran who lost a leg and who harbors deep anger toward the Baath leaders; Clark Poundstone (Greg Kinnear) is a state department official who wants to destroy the Baath and kill as many of them as possible in order to install those whom the US favors; Poundstone backs Shia Ahmed Zubadi (Raad Rawi, presumably an allusion to Ahmed Chalabi whom the US probably thought it could install as leader of Iraq), but Zubadi has little support among Iraqis; Martin Brown (Brendan Gleeson) is a CIA agent who apparently supported the Iraq war, knew that the US lied about WMD’s, and wants to make a deal with the Baath; and Lawrie Dane (Amy Ryan) is a Wall Street Journal reporter who wrote stories on the Iraqi WMD that lent support to the US invasion of Iraq.
For an action film, there is a lot of subtle commentary, with different points of view presented on whether the US should have allowed the Baath into the governance of the country. Most action films do not show the complexity of real-life contexts, but this does so with flair. General Al Rawi is an intimidating charismatic leader who wants to make a deal. His physical presence in the film oozes suppressed rage and violence that could explode under the right circumstances. Both Freddy and Martin Brown expose the naivete of Miller. Freddy’s wounds and suffering give him credibility and moral force, as encapsulated by his words to Miller: “it’s not for you to decide what happens in Iraq.” Brown was well aware of the US deceit and lies from the outset, but has a realistic understanding of what could work in Iraq. Poundstone is an oily power-grubbing political climber who has no clue about Iraq and only cares about his own advancement. Zubadi is a lackey. Lawrie Dane is a dupe. And Roy Miller is caught in a web which he only begins to understand at the end of the film.
Green Zone’s depiction of the chaos of Iraq and the hellish environment in which soldiers operate attempts to give viewers a picture of events from the point of view of soldiers and Iraqis. Green Zone clearly takes the position that were no WMD’s in Iraq and that the US knew that, but it also leaves open the question as to whether the US should have invaded Iraq and whether it should have incorporated the Baath leaders into the governing structure of the country. The film intimates that, if the US had incorporated the Baath into the new Iraqi political system, one of the goals of the invasion might have come to fruition more quickly: an inclusive, democratic Iraq that could serve as a political model for the Middle East. But obviously there were those with other ideas, including both Americans and Iraqis.
The film does not give easy answers, and that’s what makes it special.
Here are two very different views of Iran and the Middle East:
1) The first is from a conservative blog and discusses a book written by an Iranian, Reza Khalili, a CIA spy who was a member of the Revolutionary Guard of Iran. He is convinced that either the US (the preferred option) or Israel must attack Iran and that the Iranian people are hoping for such an attack. It is important to note that he does NOT advocate an invasion, but rather an attack on the Revolutionary Guard. He also points out that most Iranians essentially love the US and are not unfriendly to Israel. He opposes an invasion, because NOBODY wants their nation invaded. He is of the opinion that Iranians cannot stand the current government, but they have no power to overthrow it.
2) The second is by a left-wing Israeli journalist, Uri Avneri. He is of the view that there is very little the US or Israel will or can do about Iran’s quest for nuclear weapons. Israel’s and Jews’ connection to Iran goes back several thousand years, and the positive relationship cannot be preempted by the group of crazies that now run the country. The effect of an attack by Israel would shut down the world economy, and the US will never allow Israel to do that. And, given Iraq and Afghanistan and the US’s own economic woes, the US is in no position to attack either. Obama is pushing Israel on East Jerusalem, because he wants Israel to make a choice between its building policy in the Jerusalem environs and a strong sanctions policy against Iran led by the US. If Israel pursues its current settlement policy, then the US will not pursue the sanctions. This is the choice that the US is presenting Israel.
http://zope.gush-shalom.org/home/en/channels/avnery/1270319001/
At for the Khalili interview, I am not sure that an attack on Iran, which would include both the nuclear sites and the revolutionary guards without an invasion, would lead to the overthrow of the current government. There’s a lot of wishful thinking there, and I don’t necessarily buy that. It’s possible, but, even if the current government falls, the new government will very likely pursue nuclear weapons, although it will take them longer if the nuclear sites are destroyed. Khalili is no doubt correct about an invasion and the long-term negative impact of such an approach. Yet even a targeted attack on the Republican Guard and the nuclear sites could produce a understandably self-protective reaction on the part of a broad cross-section of the Iranian people. You might hate your oppressive government, but you don’t want foreigners to do your own work for you. That just makes people angry. I do believe that Khalili is correct about the religious views of the Iranian leaders–that they believe that the use of nuclear weapons will initiate the public return of the twelfth mahdi and a worldwide victory for Islam. Many in the West find this hard to imagine, but all we have to do is listen to late night radio and hear what many in the conservative Christian community believe. It’s pretty much the same thing, with victory coming to Christ and Christians instead of the Mahdi and Muslims. We should take very seriously the religious views of Iranian leaders, because they actually believe what they say.
The second piece is correct in its analysis of the US view of the Jerusalem situation. I believe that the Obama administration and many US foreign policy analysts (including those from a variety of prior administrations) believe that progress on the Israel-Palestinian conflict will give the US more leverage in dealing with Iran. Whether this is actually true or not is another matter (whatever the merits or flaws in the Obama admin’s position on settlements). Arab governments are terrified of Iran regardless of Israel, and progress on Israel-Palestine will likely not change the behavior of the Iranian government and of those who fear it. The Middle East is much more complex than Israel-Palestine, and the US should not be fixated on that as some kind of cure-all. It might buy some time, but that will end quickly. We are dealing with governments in the Middle East that, except for Israel, are, for the most part, corrupt dictatorships (often despised by their own people, as in Iran, Egypt, Saudi Arabia), and that makes the situation volatile no matter what happens with the Palestinians (For Arab countries, see most recently the democracy report card of the Arab Reform Initiative: http://arab-reform.net/IMG/pdf/annual_rep_010_english.pdf , where Palestine, by the way, scores rather low).
This is a very difficult environment. I have no idea what the solution is. My own sense is that Israel will attack if it appears that Iran will obtain nuclear weapons, even if the US opposes such a move. This could have profound consequences for the US-Israel relationship and, of course, for Israel. That is why Israel has spent a lot of time cultivating its relationship with both India and China, both economically and militarily. In the end, this is an existential question for Israelis. Given the holocaust and the near decimation of world Jewry, Israel is acutely aware of what the consequences of Iranian nuclear weapons would be. Israelis will take enormous risks to prevent that from happening. The best possibility right now might be the continuation of covert operations to slow down Iranian progress on the nuclear front, but that can only work for so long. The effectiveness of sanctions is doubtful.
In reality, no one has a clear answer. The best approach is for those of us are observers to try to understand the complexity of the dynamics at play and the different points of view of the people and nations involved. At the same time, any kind of open dialogue is preferable. This is a time when the lines of communication need to be open and when people of different backgrounds need to be talking with one another, even if there is very little apparent progress and even if they are not talking about the Middle East. Sometimes just talking about gardening or sports builds the foundation for real understanding. And I know that this may sound pollyannish, but we need prayer and meditation to surround this region with imagery of peace and light.
Israel, Iran, and the Middle East
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748704107204574471282155997704.html
My guess is that an attack on Iranian nuclear sites is coming closer to reality. I hope not, but I don’t really see a way around it. In my view, Obama’s Iran strategy is flawed (by the way, Bush’s was no better). The Iranian government sees Obama as weak, especially in light of the recent anti-government protests in Iran. Many Iranian protesters are very upset with Obama’s diplomacy, as it gives credibility and authority to a government that stole an election. And, in the Middle East, if you use a carrot, you’d better also use a stick—Obama has not done that. You have to be tough. Sanctions may have been the way to go, but the time may be too late now. What worries me is that the U.S. and many other countries (in Europe, maybe even Russia, and in the Middle East, including Egypt, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, etc.) are going to let Israel do the work that they do not have the courage to do–most of them will quietly (in spite of what they say publicly) give Israel intelligence and tactical military support. Sadly most of the pain will fall on Israel, which will face the fury of Hezbollah, Hamas, Syria, and Iran. The other nations will get some of the venom, but nothing compared to Israel.
The reality is that, for Israel, this is an existential question: the Iranian government will have no hesitation in obliterating Israel and slaughtering every Jew it finds. So what is Israel supposed to do? Jews cannot allow a second holocaust only seventy years after the first one (which itself culminated a 2500-year history of persecution).
Israel may have no choice. This would be a tragedy, but it would be an even greater tragedy to allow a nuclear attack on Israel. Sometimes there are only bad choices; you just pick the one that’s less bad.
I pray that this does not happen, and every day I envision a world in which peace and healing prevail. Everyone should come together at this time to do what they can to bring a vision of healing and peace to the current crisis. I have no idea what the solution is to avoid the need for a military strike, but I would call on all to do whatever they can to bring wholeness/shalom to a deeply fragmented world. For those who cannot imagine what they might do, a simple smile, a kind thought, or breathing out compassion has a way of spreading healing energy which all of us genuinely need. That’s a start. It doesn’t matter as long as we bring our energy to focus on healing, particular in the Iran-Israel-Middle East context. To quote Rabbi Hillel: “If not now, when?”
I wrote this this to a friend who was very upset with Avigdor Lieberman’s statement, “those who want peace should prepare for war.”
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I know that this sounds awful and that Lieberman has used racist language toward Arabs. This is certainly true, and that part is wrong.
At the same time, I agree with his statement that there is no peace without preparing for war. That is a part of Jewish thought for millennia and is encompassed in the Jewish notion of “shalom.” Shalom means “wholeness,” not peace. In this case, “wholeness” includes both the retreating and assertive sides of human nature and of nature itself. I did not like Ronald Reagan’s domestic policies, but he was right in the way that he dealt with the Soviet Union. And, in the Middle East, that is even more true. You have to be tough, and you have to take into account that those who hate you will use various means at their disposal to annihilate you. That’s the way it is, and anyone who wants peace also has to understand this fact. Otherwise, you invite aggression and violence.
If I were in Lieberman’s position, I would not say what he said publicly about preparing for war, but preparing for the possibility of war is what I would do.
I am attaching an article by Yossi Klein Halevi who understands the Middle East as well as anyone that I know. He wrote a wonderful book called “At the Entrance to the Garden of Eden: A Jew’s Search for God with Christians and Muslims in the Holy Land.” He is a political centrist, very realistic, but very much wanting peace. This article expresses much that is in my view true:
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB123846458281572307.html. The idea right now of negotiations toward a two-state solution is naive and foolish. I believe in a two-state solution, but the Palestinians are at this time nowhere near in a position to have a functional, democratic state. The best that we can hope for is movement in the Palestinian and Arab world toward a civil, democratic, tolerant society. That is a precondition and prerequisite for a meaningful peace settlement. Olmert and Livni (and Barak in the past) did everything they could to engage in dialogue with the Palestinian leadership about an agreement. They failed primarily because the time was not yet ready for them to succeed. Palestinian society needs to change in order for peace to even have a chance.
This is a substantial excerpt from an email of mine to a friend who was disturbed when I called much of the anti-Israel discourse antisemitic:
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I don’t think that a description of anti-Semitism or racism should stop a discussion. In fact, that’s when the discussion should really begin. If we don’t acknowledge the racism that is endemic in our society, how can we have a meaningful discussion among African-Americans and whites? If whites admitted their own prejudices and the discriminatory features of much of our culture, then we could all really get down to business. Focusing on peripheral issues and proxy arguments, rather than the substantive matters (the hard stuff), allows tension to fester and exacerbates the problem. I’ve seen this in dialogue groups since I’ve been working in this profession: they’re often feel-good sessions rather than meaningful exchanges. We never really seem to get around to what matters because we’re so busy avoiding painful words, topics, and emotions. I hope that we have reached a level of maturity where can be forthright and straightforward with one another without degenerating into name-calling and shouting.
As to anti-Semitism itself, we do need to call something for what it is. In this case, the arguments detailed in the denominational resolutions simply make no logical sense and are purely emotional appeals to sympathy for a favorite victim. Upon analysis, and with the added benefit of evidence and accurate information, the arguments of resolution supporters do not cohere or withstand minimal scrutiny. I tried to explain this fact in my letter. From this I can only reasonably infer that anti-Semitism is a major factor. How else does one explain the silence of church leaders regarding the atrocities committed by totalitarian governments in the Arab and Muslim world of the Middle East? How else can one explain resolutions that advocate divestment from Israel, but let all repressive regimes of the Arab Middle East completely off the hook? How else can one explain the sympathy for suicide bombers, and the concomitant lack of concern for Israeli victims of terrorism? In what other way can we interpret resolutions that focus on the ugliness of the security barrier (an aesthetic issue), when human lives (including spouses, parents, and grandparents) are at stake, than to infer that Jews do not have the right to defend themselves? How is it that very few in the church leadership acknowledge that Israel acquired Gaza and the West Bank because Arabs tried to conquer Israel, destroy the country, and kill as many Jews as possible (“drive them into the sea,” as Gamal Abdul-Nasser and Yasser Arafat so succinctly put it)? How can it be that no resolution demands that the PLO (not to mention Hamas) remove references in its official charter that condemn Zionism and call for the annihilation of the state of Israel and the removal of any Jews who settled in Israel in the nineteenth century and afterwards? How is it that, given the complicity of many European Christians in the holocaust, their churches have not given more attention to the precipitous rise of vandalism and violence against Jews in North America, and especially in Europe?
Lives are at stake, and most church leaders do not seem to notice (or care) that many of these lives are Jewish. Now I hear some say that the war in Iraq is a pro-Israel, Jewish war. This is ugly and dangerous stuff and has serious consequences for real living people.
Hatred of Jews is especially deep in the Arab and Muslim world. If you want to know how large numbers of Arabs view Jews, take a look at these attachments, especially the video clips from an Egyptian state television soap opera (2002) that depict the Protocols of Zion (the notorious, forged anti-Semitic document) and even the more ancient blood libels against Jews–these clips are among the most chilling and disgusting I’ve ever seen. And this is not fringe, but mainstream Arab and Muslim opinion in the Middle East. If you don’t have the stomach for it, I understand, but this is the ugly truth [See my post from August 9, 2005, for some of these documents: http://mysticscholar.org/2005/08/09/antisemitism-in-the-middle-east/]
There are many congregants at the local level who don’t agree with their leaders . . . I’m sure that this is true of churches and seminaries in other communities. This is the level at which we must now work, because only with personal contacts can people recognize the humanity of those who are different. Jewish-Christian dialogue at the upper level of organizations has run its course. We now must find a meeting point at a more personal level like ours.
Let’s keep this discussion going. This is very important.
I wrote the following email in response to a friend who sent me an article (by Alain Epp Weaver) arguing that much of Christian critique of Israel is not antisemitic: http://divinity.uchicago.edu/martycenter/publications/sightings/archive_2005/0818.shtml
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This is interesting. The events of 1948, however, are far more complex than the author indicates. Arab nations not only rejected Israel’s statehood, but also rejected the U.N. partition plan that would have offered Palestinian Arabs almost half of what is now Israel. Arabs preferred to destroy Israel and kill all Jews, even though Jews had lived in then Palestine for two millennia. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, there were many areas with Jewish majorities. In 1948, Arab nations encouraged Arabs in Palestine to leave their homes so that they could create a crisis that would lead to the destruction of Israel. The Israeli military was implicated in some expulsions, but Arabs nations took an even greater interest in seeing the Arab residents of Palestine expelled. In general, Arabs simply did not like Jews and wanted them out. The Mufti of Jerusalem had even sided with Hitler and the Nazis. If the Germans had ever taken charge of the Middle East, you can imagine what Arabs would have done to resident Jews. The bottom line: in 1948 Israeli Jews wanted to make accommodation with their Arab neighbors, but the Arabs despised Jews and (later in the words of Gamal Abdul-Nasser and Yasser Arafat) preferred to drive them into the sea.
If you want to know how large numbers of Arabs view Jews, take a look at these attachments, especially the video clips from an Egyptian state television soap opera (2002) that depict the Protocols of Zion (the notorious, forged anti-Semitic document) and even the more ancient blood libels against Jews–these clips are among the most chilling and disgusting I’ve ever seen. And this is not fringe, but mainstream Arab and Muslim opinion in the Middle East. See my August 9 post in this blog on these documents: http://mysticscholar.org/2005/08/09/antisemitism-in-the-middle-east/
Here are some links to documents that deal with Arab/Palestinian/Iranian antisemitism:
1) An overall summary: http://www.memri.org/report/en/print2680.htm
2) Mickey Mouse and the Blood Libel
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zDpZFmC54mg&playnext=1&list=PL25B74E23BA87C6D1&index=24
3) Knight Without a Horse: Some Plot Summaries: KnightWithoutAHorse
4) Hamas Summer Camp: http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2005/07/31/HAMAS.TMP
5) Protocols of Zion among Palestinians: http://www.palwatch.org/STORAGE/OpEd/Protocols_of_the_Elders.pdf
This is a substantial excerpt from a letter I wrote in 2005 regarding an anti-Israel resolution:
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Now that the Disciples’ General Assembly has finished its work (passing a resolution that denounces the Israeli defense barrier), we need to think long-term about how to respond to the current crisis in the mainline Protestant denominations. As someone who is Jewish and works as a faculty member at a Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) seminary (Lexington Theological Seminary), I would be glad to contribute to this discussion in any feasible way. At present, we are in a troubling period (and for Jews an anxious one). Though we can be glad that no one slipped in a divestment resolution at the General Assembly, I assume that this is coming down the pike.
Jewish-Christian dialogue has achieved some significant goals, but it has obviously not succeeded in getting enough Christians to understand and acknowledge the full extent of persistent anti-Semitism. This problem of prejudice against Jews has several different elements in the context of Israel.
First, the right of Israelis and Jews to defend themselves evidently exists only when they are perceived as victims. Once Jews are perceived as self-sufficient and secure, Jews are no longer seen as having the right to engage in the same security measures that other nations use to protect themselves. For Jews this is painful, because it seems that the only palatable Jews in some Christian eyes are casualties (as in the holocaust) or submissive and self-loathing dependents. What does it mean to have a right to exist, if you cannot defend yourself?
Second, Israel and Jews are held to different standards than are other countries and peoples. Of all the nations and groups engaged in gross violation of human rights in the Middle East, mainline Protestant denominations have seen fit to condemn only Israel: not Saudi Arabia nor Iran nor Syria, which have all engaged in various kinds of ghastly violence and oppression, including the killing of ethnic and religious minorities, mass murder, and imprisonment and execution of dissidents–not to mention promotion of anti-Semitic literature and videos. Nor do some mainline Christians consider suicide bombings and other terrorist acts of Palestinians and others to be worthy of the kind of serious critique that they apply to Israeli actions. Mainline denominations do not make proposals to divest from Palestinian businesses on account of their acts of terror. In fact, divestment, and now educational boycotts (as now proposed by British higher educators), recall the Nazi boycotts of Jewish businesses during the 1930’s. Apparently, in liberal Christian eyes, Israel’s human rights violations are viewed as the worst in the Middle East. Israel has received virtually all the blame and responsibility, while Muslim nations and peoples barely register any notice for their human rights abuses. As has happened throughout history, some Christians have developed a new twist on an old procedure to scapegoat Jews instead of recognizing the complexity and multi-faceted dimensions of a difficult problem.
Third, some Christians seem to believe that they understand anti-Semitism and can determine whether or not they are anti-Semitic. After centuries of prejudice and persecution of Jews by Christians culminating in the holocaust, one might think that such persons would at least have the humility to keep silent on such matters. It is true that not every criticism of Israel is anti-Semitic, but one-sided resolutions that do not acknowledge the pain of Israelis, that were composed without the consultation of mainstream Jewish leaders in the U.S. or Israel (but with the extensive consultation of Palestinians), and that treat the conflict in terms of simplistic cliches can only lead to the conclusion that the writers and supporters of such resolutions simply do not care much for Jews.
For those like me, deeply involved in Jewish-Christian dialogue, this is all rather depressing. I have devoted my entire professional life as a scholar and teacher to studying and teaching both Judaism and Christianity. I studied New Testament and early Judaism at Harvard and Yale and have had the privilege to teach New Testament, Hebrew Bible, comparative religion, and Jewish studies (as well as many other subjects in religion) in several different contexts. Now I teach at a Christian seminary and have always been committed to working in this kind of interfaith and intercultural context. From time to time, I wonder what I’m doing when I see the same problems come up again and again and again. But sometimes you have to follow Sisyphus–just keep trying to roll that rock up the hill.
I still strongly believe in dialogue. Otherwise, the extremists win and the vast mainstream of peace-loving human beings lose. In addition, many members of mainline denominations do not share the political beliefs of their leaders and representatives. Somehow, we have to reach these people and empower them. Anti-Israel resolutions are essentially done-deals before the national meetings take place and reflect the interests of certain elites. Jews and Israeli victims of terrorism have certainly not been part of the process. We need to move proactively at the beginning, not at the end, of the development of these resolutions, if we want to have a significant effect. At the same time, dialogue has to begin from a different place. No more can we simply sit and be nice to one another and muse about our commonalities. We have to find a way to talk about painful topics that engender strong emotions and recognize and celebrate our different approaches to life and spirituality. Honesty has to enter into the discussion. Self-criticism on all sides is vital. I certainly am ready to criticize Israel where appropriate (e.g. on settlement policy), yet am still strongly Zionist.
But, in the end, enough Christians have to decide that Jews are as fully human and as fully accepted by God as are Christians. The view that they are not is something that ideologues on the Christian left and right seem to share. Some liberal Christians engage in dehumanization by treating Israel unjustly and expecting Jews to sit quietly and meekly while under attack, by talking primarily to far-left, anti-Zionist Jews outside of the Jewish mainstream, and by viewing Zionism as contemptible. Some conservative Christians engage in dehumanization by promoting the idea that Jews (and other non-Christians) will not be saved, by attempting to convert Jews to Christianity, and by advocating a conflagration in the Middle East that will culminate in the second coming of Jesus and the triumph of Christianity.
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